Saturday December 26, 2015
By Mohamed Moalim
Siteey* is a single mother of four
children who
squatters in an area
of Mogadishu not too far from central area of the city. Since the
death of her husband,
she is left with the responsibility of bringing up four children without any
support. In order to earn and make
ends meet, Siteey works as a casual labourer by offering washing and cleaning
services to local host families. Like
many others, Siteey and her family live in a “Buul’ – a shelter made from cardboard, textiles and tree branches, which are
unable to resist a little rain or wind.
Siteey is amongst
the estimated 1.2 million population living in similar conditions across
Somalia towns and cities. In Mogadishu alone, it is estimated around 400,000
currently live in appalling conditions, conditions that the many humanitarian
organisations and the Somali government acknowledge are no longer sustainable.
Many others like Siteey in Mogadishu and its outskirts face the regular threat
of evictions from public and private spaces with no alternative land or plans
for relocation elsewhere.
In case you have
not figured, I am referering to Internaly displaced persons (IDPs) locally
known as “Barakacayaal”. They are Somalis, displaced internally as a result of
conflict or natural disasters similar to the drought and the famine of 2011. Informal
settlements particularly in the outskirts of the city are increasingly
inhabited by IDP communities despertaly in need of humanitatian assistantce and
protection. According to US based consultancy Demographia, Mogadishu is second
fastest growing city in the world, therefore as part of any urbanisation
process, demand for housing, land and
property has already increased, thus many IDPs and the urban poor are
relocating to empty lands towards Mogadishu/Afgoye coorridor. Experts warn more
and more IDPs, and the urban poor will find themselves living in the outskirts
of Mogadishu, and the growing construction of informal settlemetns will soon
convert empty lands to slums in the coming months and years.
So are IDPs treated as second-class citizens in
their own country? Of course there is no
a clear-cut answer to this statement. Nonetheless, common discourse suggests
that Somalia as a nation, has suffered two decades of a dreadful civil war with
devastating effect to life and property. To this date, inter-clan conflict, and
conflict between the government and Islamist groups still savage in some parts
of the country. Hence, many communities are undeniably affected, and still at risk as a result
of general poverty caused by any number of factors.
Whilst I acknowledge this argument, I am of the view
that root-causes displacement in Somalia is deeper-rooted and far more complex
than people assume. Previous
studies show that there is a direct correlation between minorities and
displacement in Somalia. The findings suggest that a high proportion of those
who are dispossessed and displaced, across all regions in Somalia, are from
minority groups. Moreover, clan structures in Somalia have afforded those from
‘majority’ clan protection, a social safety net that to some extent mitigates
the effect of poverty on individuals and families of these clans.
According to UNHCR, the internally displaced
population are estimated to be around 1.2 million, of which a significant
number are said to be living in a protracted situation as a result of prolonged
conflict and insecurity. A recent IDPs profiling in Mogadishu indicates that
number of IDPs population increased around 40,000 since last comprehensive
enumeration exercise were conducted in 2011. In another survey, the Somali
Disaster Management Agency (DMA) found that out of the 9000 households nearly
50,000 persons profiled, 68% originate from the two Shabelles, that is Lower
Shabelle and Middle Shabelle, regions with a high proportion of minority
groups.
It is also interesting to note that in this survey,
65% of the total number of people enumerated are children under the age of
18. Of the 65%, 53% are under 11 with a
significant number under the age of 5, raising serious protections issues. 40%
of IDPs profiled have intentions to return to their place of origin
but many are unable to return to
places of habitual residence for fear of insecurity, loss of land/farmland,
obsolete skill set and lack of support from the government and humanitarian organizations.
Siteey says that IDPs are seen as burden in society
often associated with begging, bad hygiene, some describe their settlements as
eyesore, a deliberate and a demeaning term to lower their status in the
society. She added that IDPs are marginalized
in the process of political, social and economic inclusion and participation in
local affairs. Additionally,
they are overlooked in the ranks to obtain the limited existing citizenship
skills such as civic education in order to learn and understand laws and civic
rights and responsibility. They have no access to key institutions and feel
they are neither represented nor able to participate in civil society.
Ultimately, it is the government’s responsibility to
provide and educate people including IDPs on citizenship and rights in order to
provide people with knowledge, confidence and skills
to become active citizens, acquiring the skills that enable them to participate
in the decisions that shape their future.
In reality, the lives of IDPs, in particular those
in and on the outskirts of Mogadishu are controlled by gatekeepers. The term
“gatekeepers” is widely used to describe individuals and armed elements in the
IDP settlements who exploit the vulnerable status of the IDPs for personal
economic gains. Gatekeepers are accused of illegal tax collection from
individual IDP households, costs that they argue cover security and social
services that they provide to the IDP household. For fear of retribution, IDPs
are unable to report violations to authorities or make complaints against
gatekeepers, so they don’t risk threat of violence, evictions from their
settlements, and what little aid they receive.
Until
there is a fundamental change of circumstances, that is, the situation causing
displacement ceases to exist and enabling reintegration, voluntary and safe
return for IDPs, I am afraid 1.2 million Somalia citizens (IDPs) will remain
marginalized and be subsequently excluded access to Somalia’s social,
economical and political environment.
The Somali government is under a duty to establish legal status or
framework for IDPs as part of its ratification to the Kampala convention,
whereby provisions of durable solution is required including integration, resettlement and mechanisms
for the provision of protection, especially in the southern regions, in
particular areas under the control of government.
The bottom line is that displacement within Somalia
will require long- term economic and political solutions. However, unless IDPs
rights and status are recognized, the prospect of reconciliation and
resettlement will remain slender. Whilst IDPs remain entitled to all the rights
and guarantees as citizens of Somalia, they are deprived of their
constitutional rights.
*Siteey is not her real name.
Mohamed Moalim is an IDP Advisor to the Somali
Disaster Management Agency. You can follow him on twitter: @Wayakii