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Puntland: From a Utopian Vision to a Clan Enclave
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By AbdiQudus Nur Salah (Donyale)
Saturday, September 19, 2009

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After a long cherished hunt of ordered society, stability and a common defense pact, Puntland sub-state was formed. It all began in a familiar setting (Garoowe) when Harti elders and leadership alongside local Darod clans had pledged allegiance to a new regional alliance. On January, 1994, former members of SSDF and USP attended the first Constitutional conference and it dragged on for years (1). It was a marked period in post-civil war Somali history, which birthed this idea that defends the nation's sovereignty, upholds the rule of law, and assists in restoring the Republic. Support for this new regional alliance grew immediately, mapping a state that stretches west to Ceerigaabo and south to Gaalkacyo.

However, its autonomous history ab ovo, Puntland had transformed from a utopian vision to a clan enclave driven by SSDF power ambitions. It's this dismal, downward spiral of the state's utopia since its inception that had created an irksome knack turning yesterday's genius of Puntland into a despotic and nepotistic officials. Also, given their passive involvement, the people of Maakhir(Sanaag and Bari) had shaped the evolution of today's Puntland. They are also haunted by poignant enquiries of unresolved political and economic issues harking back to the days of the collapsed totalitarian regime.

 For Puntland's state evolution, there are still outstansing issues. What is causing the lack of fair representation for the Makhiris in both of the legislative body and the cabinet? What power sharing method does the state employ to distribute its limited resources? Why the state did not appoint Haylaan's regional council? Such sensible sentiments and many others in the minds of the Diaspora have arisen after a decade of Puntland's alienation policy.

Abdullahi Yusuf's era, however, had produced administrative policies reflecting the birth stage of the state. It dealt well with the most primary security concern posed by the neighboring "Somaliland". A veteran with a military expertise, he drafted policies that strengthened the military and the police by paying salaries and dignifying the profession. Despite few attempts, Abdullahi failed to incorporate Sanaag, Haylaan, and Western Bari fully into the administration thus setting the stage for Cadde Muuse, the former president, to inherit only an attempt.

Adde with no ambitions to reform had only added more problems to the already disabled state. During his era, the economy was on the brink of collapse with record inflationary prices of food and other routinely consumed goods. This was due to a lack of visible financial infrastructure compounded by the illegal practice of printing counterfeit Somali currency. Adde and his cronies' counterfeiting business affected the Makhir regions. These internal problems along with his shameless practice of handpicking his clan to the highest posts had led the Makhiris to birth questions on the legitimacy of Puntland.
The administration responded by adopting again an alienation policy in which no Sanaag, Haylaan, and Western Bari affairs had been discussed or brought on to the table. With that policy in full force, Adde had yet made another bad move. On March 2006, officers of Range Resources, Ltd escorted by Puntland militia arrived in Majiyahan (western Bari) to collect sample minerals without the communities' consent. It quickly turned into a deadly skirmish, forcing Puntland and their business partners out of the entire region. This episode serves as an important bullet point in Puntland's short political history. From this period, many other clans were inspired to challenge the administration adding on to the list of challenges for the incompetent administration.

During Cadde's office term, many NGO's and environmental advocates accused his administration of engaging in the large scale destruction of the Sool Plateau's accasia tree for the lucrative charcoal business at the port of Bosaaso. Mass cutting of trees had resulted in the loss and depletion of grazing land necessary to maintain the survival of livestock--a main source of income for the pastoral communities in Sanaag Region. The administration's involvement, silence or lack of addressing the consequences of deforestation had truly devastated one of Somalia's driest areas. In denouncing the disastrous charcoal trade, the Makhiri nomadic communities formed an Environmental Protection Corps (EPC) that patrolled Makhiri regions, including the outskirts of Bosaso(3). These troops funded by the native Makhiris had confronted Puntland troops and detained dozens of hired individuals of ethnic Oromo background, thus re-enforcing further their pernicious involvement (2). The release of Somali and Oromo prisoners were negotiated on a clan-based mechanism and other conditions. After an enormous campaign by the region's leading media outlet, (Dhahar Radio) and tireless effort of EPC, much success was achieved that has contributed to a slowdown of charcoal production.

The Majiyahan incident, moreover, along with the administrations alienation policy had birthed the idea of "Makhir state", a regional administration declared in Sanaag, Haylaan, and Western Bari. These regions make up around 1/3 of Puntland with a population that exceeds 650,000. One can easily see how a principal actor in the formation of "Puntland" would withdraw their confidence and loyalty to the de-facto state. Just after the formation of "Makhir State", Puntland was due to hold an election.
Consequently, with a newly presented opportunity, the Makhir people once again vowed to reform a system long corrupted. General Abdulahi Ahmed Jaamac (Ilka Jiir), with the support of the Diaspora have pledged to re-introduce a "new Puntland" to the Makhiris, "a Puntland for all of its stakeholders". His arrival on the scene followed the dissolution of the Makhir administration, as he convinced the Makhiris to give Puntland one more chance.

Although both of the previous administrations had failed to fully incorporate Makhiri regions into Puntland, the Makhiris at home and abroad are still waiting for the new President (Faroole) and his Interior Minister (Ilka Jiir) to deliver their promises. Puntland's success depends greatly on the commitment of its leadership. If leaders are neither prone to compromise nor execute their functions with transperancy and accountability, regional tensions are bound to re-emerge. Moreover, in some cases the resulting tensions will turn into conflicts as in the case for Majiyahan. The states' new leadership must become aware of the fact that a fair system spawns security, stability, and development of every region, and Puntland cannot hope to make progress towards development or democracy without creating conditions and institutions necessary for a lasting solution to internal issues and just political representation.


By AbdiQudus Nur Salah (Donyale)
Email: [email protected]--------- REFERENCES:
1. Gerard Prunier. SNU, Uppsala. SOMALILAND: INTERPRETING DOCUMENTS FROM CONFERENCES January 27, 1994. [http://www.dhahar.com/articles/usp.html]
2. Maqal iyo Muuqaal. MAXAABIIS Dhahar Online . Sept 07, 2007 [ http://www.dhahar.com/article.php?articleid=2517]
3. Maqal iyo muuqaal. Kacdoonka dhuxul joojinta iyo saameynta ay ku yeelatey Soomaaliya...[ http://www.dhahar.com/article.php?articleid=5567 ]



 





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