Saturday July 13, 2024
Hailing from the Somali region’s Aware district, and educated in Ethiopia, the United States, and Canada, Hussein Kassim(PhD) is a pivotal figure among Ethiopians who embraced the country’s 2018 political upheaval. A former civil servant and political appointee, he left Ethiopia 15 years ago to work with international development organizations in the USA, Canada, and Kenya. Throughout his time abroad, Hussein remained actively engaged in efforts to foster change in both the Somali region and Ethiopia.
Upon the political transition in 2018, he returned to Ethiopia, assuming leadership roles including Chief of the Regional Security Bureau. Currently, Hussein serves as Chief of Cabinet in the Somali region and holds the key position of Audit and Inspection Secretary within the main Prosperity Party, underscoring his rising influence in regional administration.
Hussein recently sat down with Yonas Amare of The Reporter in his office in Jigjiga city, discussing pressing issues and future plans for the region. EXCERPTS:
The Reporter: Let’s kick off by contrasting your active involvement in the current administration with your experience in the previous one. What significant changes and advancements has the Prosperity administration introduced to the region?
Hussein Kassim (PhD): If you’re familiar with the history of this region, it was once a literal war zone, plagued by persistent conflicts and political instability that prevented it from capitalizing on economic growth during the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) regime. Beyond economic stagnation, the era marked the darkest period in the region’s history, devoid of meaningful development projects and public services.
During the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie I and the Derg regime, the Somali region was marginalized both politically and in terms of development initiatives. Human rights violations were also documented under both administrations, though the most severe transgressions occurred during the EPRDF era. The final decade of EPRDF rule was infamous for its state-sanctioned persecution of intellectuals, religious figures, and traditional leaders—a systematic assault on state and societal institutions, values, and religious bodies, culminating in violence against non-Somalis and the church just before the regime’s collapse.
While the federal system under the TPLF-dominated EPRDF allowed for some degree of self-administration and the establishment of state-level institutions, true authority remained concentrated in central government officials and military leaders.
Since the political transformation in Ethiopia in 2018, significant changes have unfolded in the Somali region. Somali political representation and engagement have surged across all levels, including federal governance. The federal leadership, notably the Prime Minister, is committed to expanding the region’s political autonomy and space.
Currently, the region enjoys newfound peace and stability, accompanied by substantial developmental projects being actively implemented.
Could you elaborate on the changes you’ve mentioned that clearly demonstrate the tangible impact of the political shift in the country?
Thanks to the peace we’ve achieved, our focus has shifted towards visibly transforming our region through development projects. A visit to Jigjiga or any part of the region would demonstrate this firsthand. When we assumed leadership in the regional administration, there were just nine hospitals in our region; since then, we’ve added nine more in a short span of time.
In terms of clean water access, we’ve implemented 17 major water supply projects in urban areas and dug over 250 boreholes for rural communities. Similarly, in education, the number of high schools has grown from around 39 to nearly 90 in the past six years. Moreover, over 64 districts and villages now enjoy 24-hour electricity since our tenure began. We’ve also made significant strides in road construction and improving telecom connectivity.
The current government, in power for less than six years, has undertaken development projects that surpass those of the past 60 years. This progress is underpinned by political stability and peace in the region.Additionally, human rights are rigorously upheld for all residents, including Somali community members, other Ethiopians, and foreigners alike.
We maintain a zero-tolerance policy towards human rights violations, ensuring that everyone in the Somali region lives with dignity and freedom. Sectarian violence is actively discouraged, and we staunchly support and protect peaceful coexistence among people of diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds. Our aspiration is to set a national example for peace and harmony.
Contrary to your statements, some critics argue that there has been little progress in human rights protection, development, and drought prevention in the region. They point to the recent drought as evidence that nothing has improved since your administration took office. How do you respond to these criticisms?
When reflecting on emergency responses, particularly in regards to drought, it’s crucial to acknowledge that the drought experienced two years ago was the most severe the region had faced in a century. Despite its intensity, we managed to prevent any loss of human life, though unfortunately, hundreds of thousands of livestock perished. In past droughts, even those of lesser severity like those in 2014, 2015, and 2017, the impacts were catastrophic, claiming many lives.
To mitigate the effects of the recent severe drought, we employed early warning data and allocated significant additional state-level funding for emergency response efforts. Early initiatives included water and food distribution to those most in need. The collaboration with other regional states, the federal government, and humanitarian partners played a pivotal role in bolstering our emergency response capabilities. Transparency in our approach and the overall peace and stability across the region were also instrumental in our efforts.
Moving forward, our focus remains on enhancing water provision, bolstering agricultural production, and ensuring food security to uplift livelihoods, particularly for vulnerable pastoralist communities susceptible to climate-induced shocks.
Your administration has been accused by some of harboring a hidden secessionist agenda, with claims that you are conspiring to separate the Somali region from Ethiopia. How do you respond to these allegations?
It’s regrettable if there are allegations and labels suggesting a hidden agenda, but I can assure you unequivocally that such claims are unfounded. Our agenda is firmly rooted in governing Ethiopia, not seeking separation from it. Historically, various liberation movements, such as the Oromo Liberation Front, the Ogaden National Liberation Front, the Afar Liberation Front, and the Sidama Liberation Front, emerged during the Imperial, Derg, and EPRDF regimes from what was commonly referred to as the southern part of the country.
However, today, the political landscape of Ethiopia has undergone significant transformation. Peoples and nations once marginalized as border regions or collectively labeled as southerners now play pivotal roles in Ethiopian politics. These regions collectively comprise nearly 70 percent of Ethiopia’s territory, serving as vital economic corridors and contributing significantly to the country’s trade and natural resources. They are the economic backbone of Ethiopia.
Given their immense contributions and integral role in Ethiopia’s fabric, one must question any notion of secessionist agendas among these southern regions. They are essential in terms of population, geographic expanse, and economic resources, prompting the question: who succeeds from whom? If there ever was a perception that southern nations and regions sought to break away, it no longer holds true. They recognize their essential place within a unified Ethiopia.
When we speak of a unified Ethiopia, we cannot exclude these southern Ethiopians who form a substantial part of the nation. The notion that they seek to runaway from Ethiopia is outdated and unsubstantiated. Our focus is on participating in leading and advancing Ethiopia, not turning away from it.
Do you believe the recently signed Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the federal government of Ethiopia and the Somaliland government, which secures a sea corridor in exchange for political recognition, will serve the political and economic interests of the Somali regional administration?
Since this matter pertains to foreign relations, it falls under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Federal Government. However, it is important to emphasize that what benefits the entire country also benefits us as a region, given that the Somali region is a crucial member of the federation.
The Somali region is known to be rich in petroleum and natural gas resources, with studies dating back to Emperor Haile Selassie’s government confirming its potential for major oil and gas production. Many believe that Ethiopia should benefit from this natural treasure, yet this hasn’t materialized so far. Do you think Ethiopia can utilize the oil and gas from the Somali region in the near future?
Yes, I believe it is highly feasible with the right investment. The federal government is actively working to attract necessary investments, and there is strong political commitment at both regional and federal levels to facilitate this. With such dedication, I am confident that we will soon hear positive developments regarding production timelines.
There is ongoing conflict between Afar and Somali region security forces over disputed territories, which has persisted since the administrative changes throughout Ethiopia in the last five years. Why does this repeated conflict and continued bloodshed between these neighboring communities occur, and what steps do you believe should be taken to resolve the issue permanently?
Regarding conflicts and insecurity, our primary security concern stems from terrorist groups like Al-Shabab. The Somali region actively works to prevent their infiltration into Ethiopia. Our focus remains on addressing these security threats, and we have been successful in safeguarding both our region and the country from Al-Shabab’s activities.
Additionally, any local conflicts within Ethiopia are being addressed with the aim of peaceful resolution under the federal government. Regional governments, including ours, also play crucial roles in achieving peaceful resolutions. It’s important to note that the Prime Minister has issued clear directions to halt local clashes and facilitate the return of internally displaced persons (IDPs) across all regions to their homes. We fully support these, as they are beneficial for both our region and the nation as a whole.
You’ve raised two critical points that need further elaboration: Al-Shabab and internally displaced persons (IDPs). First, do you believe that Ethiopia is currently facing a clear and present threat from Al-Shabab?
Indeed, Al-Shabab poses a significant threat to both the Somali region and the entire country. You may recall the incident from a year ago when Al-Shabab attempted to infiltrate the Somali region. Thanks to the coordinated efforts of our regional security forces, supported by the federal government, Ethiopia’s borders were successfully defended against this terrorist group’s attack.
Despite our efforts, Al-Shabab repeatedly attempts to breach Ethiopian borders. We have been continuously investing in strengthening our security forces to prevent such incursions, and our proactive measures have proven effective thus far.
It’s crucial not to underestimate the threat posed by Al-Shabab.
You also mentioned the return of internally displaced persons (IDPs). Significant numbers of IDPs, such as those in camps like Qoloji near Babile town, remain displaced due to the Oromia and Somali region border conflicts from about five years ago. How can you claim that the process of returning IDPs is progressing when so many people affected by these conflicts still reside in camps?
While the accuracy of the data may be in question, we estimate there are approximately one million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in our region, many of whom were displaced due to conflicts. As you mentioned, the Oromia-Somali region conflict was particularly impactful, instigated during the TPLF-led EPRDF regime, affecting brotherly communities.
Currently, we have implemented a clear strategy aimed at facilitating the voluntary return of IDPs to their homes. They also have the option to relocate within the region or integrate into host communities.
Thus far, thousands have chosen to return, relocate, or integrate. I agree that addressing the issue of IDPs requires our administration’s focused attention and prioritization.