On Efforts to Facilitate a Legitimate Government in Somalia
As Delivered from the Floor of the U.S. Senate
Mr. President, later this week Somalia 's fragile Transitional Federal Government, also called the TFG, is expected to convene a National Reconciliation Conference originally intended to negotiate genuine power-sharing arrangements, establish a credible political process, and prevent Somalia from descending back into chaos and lawlessness.
Unfortunately, the Conference has been postponed again -- for the third time. Equally disappointing is the failure of the TFG to take the critical steps needed to broaden its base and ensure genuine negotiations occur when (or if) the Conference actually takes place.
I have been watching Somalia closely for quite some time and am deeply concerned that the small window of opportunity we saw earlier this year is closing quickly – if it has not closed already. To date, the power struggle between the Ethiopian-backed TFG and various clan-based and extremist militias in Mogadishu runs parallel to a brutal crackdown by Ethiopian and Somali troops that led to enormous civilian deaths and displacement. The increasing prevalence of suicide bombings and other guerilla tactics is a serious setback for Somalis, and for our own national security interests on the Horn.
Mr. President, the United States should be encouraging and supporting efforts to facilitate a government in Somalia that is widely perceived – internally and externally – as legitimate. Unfortunately, this effort is complicated by the Administration's flawed and self-defeating approach
to counterterrorism. By bringing long-term stability to Somalia , we can help root out global terrorists who thrive on instability and weak or failed governments. Pursuing individual terrorists is not a substitute for addressing the conditions that allow safe havens to persist.
There is no quick and easy answer to Somalia 's problems. But there are a few things we can, and must, do better if Somalia is not to descend further into a bastion of instability with potentially dire consequences for our national security and that country's future. We must redouble our efforts and work with international and regional communities -- and in particular with the Ethiopians -- to ensure this National Reconciliation Conference not only occurs, but that it brings together a broad range of actors to create a framework for a government that is capable and committed to overcoming divisive clan dynamics, protecting human rights and isolating and eliminating elements of extremism.
The United States has been forthcoming with financial resources for this Conference, as newly appointed Special Envoy to Somalia Ambassador John Yates recently reported. Indeed, we are supplying half of the Conference's budget through the United Nations Development Program. These resources are significant and while I encourage other donors to step up to the plate before it is too late, financial assistance is not the only deficit Somalia 's political project faces.
Equally worrisome, Mr. President is the lack of consistent messages from the international community as to what this Conference is expected to achieve. I am concerned that the focus on getting the Conference up and running -- while critical -- has nonetheless sidelined the need for it to produce the blueprint for rebuilding Somalia .
Along with appointing a new diplomat and providing substantial funds, this Administration, as well as the broader international community, needs to set clear expectations for the TFG to make sure recent history in that country is not repeated.
It's important to note, Mr. President, that these are only the latest efforts to cobble together a viable political path for Somalia . Over the past decade, there have been approximately 14 other similar initiatives, all of which have failed. If the fragile political space created by the TFG closes, we're stuck back at square one with the same disastrous results we've be dealing with for more than 10 years.
The upcoming reconciliation conference is only one benchmark of steps forward for the TFG. It is critical that all Somali stakeholders are included and that they own the process, that international organizations are invited to observe and offer advice, and that an outcome document laying out a roadmap for a sustained and pervasive process is produced.
But Mr. President, even if this public event meets all these goals – which remains far from clear – to be truly successful, it must also set the stage for what will be needed down the road including the restoration of infrastructure and institutions required in a functioning state, the provision of services and security to citizens, and the weaving of Somalia's complex social fabric into a viable civil society.
The road to peace and security in Somalia is long and riddled with obstacles, but we must not stray from the goal. This most recent postponement illustrates the consequences of insufficient influence and inadequate policy coordination by the U.S. and international community.
Accordingly, we must strive to produce a cohesive policy and effective action by clarifying our objectives, coordinating closely with our allies, and creating benchmarks with consequences. The United States and others -- especially Ethiopia -- must use whatever leverage they still possess to demand and work toward demonstrable progress towards a sustainable political solution for Somalia.